China stands at a critical juncture, one that will either advance the realization of President Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” of national rejuvenation proclaimed in 2012 or condemn the country to international isolation and irrelevance. Today, as two major conflicts are claiming countless lives, China’s response will shape its global standing.
One of these conflicts, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, launched in February 2022 as a “special military operation” by President Vladimir Putin, has been strongly condemned by the international community
including the United Nations and met with sanctions. Yet China has remained ambiguous, tacitly supporting Putin’s faltering effort to assert dominance over Ukraine and halt NATO’s eastward expansion. Now, as the Russian leader forges an alliance with North Korea’s Kim Jong Un to sustain the invasion, Beijing must confront a fateful choice: Which path best serves its core interests?
China’s Historical Strength: The People First
The Chinese Communist Party, founded in 1921 by Mao Zedong, conquered the mainland and established the People’s Republic of China in 1949 with a promise to put people first. Mao wove the core tenet of Confucian thought, “benevolence and courtesy,”‘ into the “Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention,” emphasizing people-centered principles such as “do not take a single needle or piece of thread from the masses,” “reduce the burden on the people,” and respect the masses and do not be arrogant.” This ethos earned the CCP and its Red Army the trust of the Chinese people after years of struggle.
Following China’s hardships after the Korean War, reformist leader Deng Xiaoping brought a pragmatic shift in the late 1970s, asserting in his famous “Cat Theory” that it does not matter whether a cat is black or white as long as it catches mice. This approach prioritized improving lives over ideological purity, thus opening China to the world.
Coincidentally, Western nations pursuing a containment policy against the Soviet Union began to assist China under the belief that they were contributing to international peace by normalizing relations with Beijing.
Cooperation with the West propelled China’s meteoric rise as one of the world’s two great powers rivaling the United States in just half a century. At the heart of this transformation was an abiding commitment to the well-being of its people.
Putting People First: China’s Key to Global Credibility
If China values the welfare of its people, it must extend this principle to the people of the world. Universal values are centered on human rights, with freedom at their core. Yet Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a violation that flouts these values and China’s own “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence”: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. As innocent people perish and families are torn apart, China’s silent acquiescence to and tacit support of Russia’s aggression and blatant disregard for Ukraine’s sovereignty has aroused global suspicion, undermining its credibility.
President Xi’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative was once welcomed by many countries that saw it as a sincere effort to foster shared prosperity. However, growing doubts about China’s intentions have turned these nations away. This disconnect between China’s words and actions risks the country’s relegation to isolation and obstruction of its path to the “Chinese Dream.
The Path Forward for China’s Core Interests
China’s road to redemption has not yet closed. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China should join the efforts to resolutely condemn Russia’s illegal invasion and oppose North Korea’s illicit military ties with the Kremlin. It should also push Pyongyang to dismantle its unlawful nuclear program. These principled choices, anchored in the
spirit of “benevolence and courtesy,” would restore trust in China’s intentions, with its path toward the long-sought “Chinese Dream opening.
Article by: Moon Seong-mook (Director of the Center for Korean Unification Strategy at the Korea Research Institute for National Strategy)
